The USA, obviously, is run by legalized bribery, and the biggest bribe-payers (including the Saudi Arabian elite) don’t live in the USA. Many of these bribe-payers benefit from USA military actions; they don’t need the USA to win wars; they just need the wars to continue. (Not coincidentally, the USA military is unskilled at winning wars; they are good at prolonging wars without definite victory.)
The USA Supreme Court doesn’t have much direct power to stop the USA military from doing whatever its foreign bribe-payers tell the President to do.
The USA (on 3 Oct 2015) attacked a Doctors-Without-Borders hospital and later (on 29 April 2016) released a report about it.
On Saturday 3 October 2015, the MSF Trauma centre in Kunduz was hit several times during sustained bombing by coalition forces, and was very badly damaged.
The total number of dead is known to be at least 42, including 24 patients, 14 staff and 4 caretakers.
In response to the report, 80 nations of the UN condemned irresponsible warfare in general:
The USA diplomats said:
MICHELE J. SISON (United States) said it was critically important to ensure that medical personnel were respected and protected, regardless of their affiliation. The United States had supported all efforts to ensure that medical facilities were fully operational. Expressing regret over her country’s air force attack on the MSF hospital in Kunduz, Afghanistan, she offered condolences and said that more than a dozen military personnel had been disciplined for the errors that had led to the bombing. The United States would study what had gone wrong, she added. She also voiced regret over the horrific attack in Aleppo last week, which had killed at least 27 people, saying it was clear that the Syrian regime was deliberately targeting medical workers and facilities. According to several organizations, more than 150 attacks had taken place in the country, the vast majority by the regime, she said.
Saudi Arabia, meanwhile, has continued a war in Yemen:
… Yemen has seen [horrors] since the Saudi-led military coalition launched its air campaign in March 2015. On one side of this war is the Houthi armed group, often referred to as the “Popular Committees,” which is supported by armed groups loyal to former Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh and parts of the army. On the other side is the military coalition led by Saudi Arabia and allied forces on the ground, usually referred to as muqawama, or the “resistance,” fighting on behalf of Hadi and his government.
The Houthis and their allies — armed groups loyal to Saleh — are the declared targets of the coalition’s 1-year-old air campaign. In reality, however, it is the civilians, such as Basrallah and Rubaid, and their children, who are predominantly the victims of this protracted war. Hundreds of civilians have been killed in airstrikes while asleep in their homes, when going about their daily activities, or in the very places where they had sought refuge from the conflict. The United States, Britain, and others, meanwhile, have continued to supply a steady stream of weaponry and logistical support to Saudi Arabia and its coalition.
One year on, it still remains unclear who is winning the war. … armed groups such as al Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula and the Islamic State are gaining ground and support in the south and southeast parts of the country, taking advantage of the security vacuum to consolidate their power….
This wanton disregard for the lives of civilians continues unabated. At approximately 11:30 a.m. on March 15, the market in Khamees, a town in northern Yemen, was destroyed in two apparent airstrikes by the Saudi-led coalition, claiming the lives of 106 civilians,…
The facts speak for themselves, and evidence of violations of international humanitarian law cannot be dismissed as mere hearsay, as the British government has attempted to do with U.N. reports. Amnesty International and other organizations have presented compelling evidence over the past year that indicates all parties to the Yemen conflict have committed war crimes. But some countries do not want to see the evidence that is staring them in the face. Flooding the region with arms is akin to adding fuel to the fire.
Attacks like the one on Khamees market have become the norm for civilians in Yemen. More than 3,000 civilians have been killed during the conflict, according to the United Nations. Thousands of others have been injured, more than 2.5 million have been displaced, and 83 percent of Yemenis are reliant on humanitarian assistance. There is barely a single corner of Yemen or a single soul that hasn’t in some way been touched and scarred by this war.
The Saudi-led coalition’s response to reports of civilians unlawfully killed — and homes, schools, and infrastructure destroyed — has been to constantly repeat the mantra that “only military targets are hit by airstrikes.” The situation on the ground tells a very different story. With each unlawful coalition airstrike, it becomes more evident that Saudi Arabia and other coalition members either do not care about respecting international humanitarian law or are incapable of adhering to its fundamental rules.
And yet, Britain, the United States, and France continue to authorize lucrative arms deals with the Saudi-led coalition — apparently without batting an eyelash.Since November 2013, the U.S. Defense Department has authorized more than $35.7 billion in major arms deals to Saudi Arabia. This includes the announcement of a $1.29 billion U.S. arms sale to Saudi Arabia in November 2015 that will supply Riyadh with 18,440 bombs and 1,500 warheads. Meanwhile, during his time in office, British Prime Minister David Cameron has overseen the sale of more than $9 billion worth of weaponry to Saudi Arabia, including nearly $4 billion since airstrikes on Yemen began, according to the Campaign Against Arms Trade, a London-based NGO.
Regardless of when the weapons used by coalition forces in Yemen were acquired — whether before or since the start of the air campaign — the countries that supplied them have a responsibility to ensure that they are not facilitating violations of international law.
While the relentless coalition airstrikes account for most of the civilian deaths in the conflict, civilians also find themselves increasingly trapped in the crossfire between Houthi and anti-Houthi armed groups, with each side supported by different units of the now-divided armed forces.
A case in point is the southern city of Taiz, which has suffered restrictions on movement of food and medical supplies since at least November. Attacks continue to maim and kill civilians, including children. When Amnesty International visited the city in July 2015, we witnessed the irresponsible conduct of fighters firsthand and documented 30 ground attacks, which led to more than 100 casualties. …
The crisis in Taiz has only gotten worse in recent days. While the Houthis have been partially pushed out of the city center, they still maintain control of the majority of the governorate. Where the Houthis have been forced to retreat, they have laid landmines — internationally banned weapons that have already claimed dozens of civilian lives.
Last week, the spokesman for the Saudi-led coalition announced that operations are nearing their end in Yemen. What that means in practice is not yet clear, as airstrikes continue to pound the country.
foreignpolicy .com /2016/03/25/civilian-casualties-war-crimes-saudi-arabia-yemen-war/
The USA military increased its involvement with another Saudi-sponsored never-ending war:
May 07, 2016 | by Richard Sisk
A small team of U.S. troops was on the ground in Yemen and Navy ships with Marines aboard were offshore to support friendly forces against an al-Qaeda offshoot as the U.S. deepened its involvement in yet another Mideast civil war, the Pentagon said Friday.
Capt. Jeff Davis, a Pentagon spokesman, declined to say how many U.S. troops were in Yemen ….or whether they were Special Forces.
Davis said it was a “very small team” that had been sent into Yemen two weeks ago and was expected to be withdrawn soon. “We view this as short term,” he said.
In addition, the U.S. has been conducting anti-terror airstrikes in Yemen against the terror organization apart from the effort to assist local forces on the ground, Davis said. Four airstrikes since April 23 had killed an estimated 10 fighters, he said.
The amphibious assault ship USS Boxer, …and two Arleigh Burke-class guided missile destroyers, … were also positioned off Mukalla, Davis said.
The troops on the ground and the ships offshore together were providing “airborne intelligence, surveillance and reconnaissance, advice and assistance with operational planning, maritime interdiction and security operations, medical support and aerial refueling,” Davis said.
At a Pentagon briefing, the spokesman was vague on the mission of the troops but stressed that they were not advising and assisting friendly forces much like similar teams embedded in Iraq and Syria.
After some back and forth with reporters on the semantics of how to characterize the troops, Davis said it was appropriate to call them an “intelligence support team. We have a small number of people who have been providing intelligence support.”
Davis said that the U.S. troops were supporting forces of the United Arab Emirates, but in a sign of the complexity of Yemen’s civil war, forces of Yemen’s embattled government and troops from Saudi Arabia were also involved in the drive to oust al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula from Mukalla.
The Saudi Embassy in Washington said in a statement “Saudi forces are also on the ground alongside the UAE forces in Mukalla and that it is a Saudi-led Arab Coalition that is fighting AQAP alongside the U.S. military contingent on the ground.”
The U.S. National Counter-Terrorism Center has described the terror group as “a Sunni extremist group based in Yemen that has orchestrated numerous high-profile attacks” against the U.S. It was the organization that sent Nigerian-born Umar Farouk Abdulmutallab on a Northwest Airlines flight over Detroit on Christmas day 2009 to detonate explosives in his pants but other passengers foiled the attack.
The group’s most prominent operative was the charismatic Anwar al-Awlaki, a dual U.S. and Yemeni citizen, who communicated with Army Maj. Nidal Hasan prior to Hasan’s shooting rampage at Fort Hood, Texas, in 2009, killing 13 people. Al-Awlaki was killed by a U.S. drone strike in Yemen in September 2011.
Davis said that the organization remained fixated on attacking the U.S. “This is of great interest to us. It does not serve our interests to have a terrorist organization in charge of a port city, and so we are assisting in that,” he said.
Yemen’s civil war has killed more than 6,200 people, displaced more than 2.5 million and caused a humanitarian catastrophe in one of the world’s poorest countries, according to the United Nations and human rights groups.
The war began in March 2015 when Houthi rebels, members of the Shia Zaydi sect and backed by Iran, overran the capital of Sanaa, forcing the government of Abd Rabbo Mansour Hadi to flee. A month later, al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula took over Mukalla.
Saudi Arabia then came to the aid of Hadi, forming a coalition of Arab states including Bahrain, Qatar, Kuwait, United Arab Emirates, Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, Senegal and Sudan.
Davis said the U.S. involvement was specifically aimed at “at routing AQAP from Mukalla, and that has largely occurred,” suggesting that the ships and troops would quickly be withdrawn.